The World Social Forum of Porto Alegre signaled a fundamental cultural change: from “there are no alternatives” to “there are other ways to conceptualize economy, politics, and culture.” This is a qualitative leap of great importance. Nevertheless, it is the alternatives which are the current expectations in the world. This will be the challenge of the meeting of Porto Alegre of 2002. However, the World Social Forum cannot become a simple supermarket of alternatives. Therefore, both a coherence in the proposals and an ample vision of the alternatives are needed. From this perspective it is important to consider three levels of alternatives. The first consists of reconstructing the utopias, not in the sense of impossibilities, but rather in the sense of mobilizing objectives. It is a matter of knowing which society we want, which labor, which education, which agriculture, which communication, which ethics. Utopias do not drop down from the sky; they cannot exist except as the result of group effort with contribution from the entire world. The second level is that of medium-term alternatives, that is, the objectives which will take time, because we are dealing with a long process of the results of arduous social struggles, with the purpose of resisting the capitalist system itself. The third level consists of short-term alternatives: those which are feasible within a foreseeable future and which can be mobilizing even though the objectives are partial. In relation to this it is important to remember, first of all, what globalism means today; second, its consequences and the resistance movements that are organized; third, the current stage of globalization; and, finally, the strategies to combat the globalization of capital. What is globalization today? It is an economic process with political, military, and cultural support. It involves a new stage of accumulation of capital in its neoliberal phase, which began in the mid 1970s, with what is termed the Washington Consensus. We define the word “globalization” very precisely, knowing obviously that it is a historic and ancient reality, but that it has taken on specific characteristics during the past 30 years. The fundamental reason for the implementation of this economic process was the declining profitability of capital, caused by a reduction in productivity. The latter had allowed, after the Second World War, a certain distribution of the social production among capital, labor, and the State. In other words, it was the end of Keynesism, to which should be added the failure of developmentalism of the Third World and finally the fall of existing socialism in Eastern Europe. To increase the accelerated manner of its accumulation, capital has had to develop two principal strategies. 1. Reduce the role of labor in the social production , which was carried out by a veritable offensive against labor: a reduction of its role in the social production, by reducing real salaries; deregulation; displacements; reduction in social security; weakening of labor organizations. 2. Reduce the role of the State as a re-distributor of wealth and social arbiter, which was done through waves of privatization, not only of economic sectors, but also of public services, with the policies of austerity imposed by international financial organizations, in particular the IMF (Structural Adjustment Programs). If we analyze the principal mechanisms of current economic globalism, we can note the following. First, an integration comes about of the processes of production and distribution that does not have to recognize boundaries. We also experience a concentration of production, distribution, and communication in the hands of less and less numerous large companies. Financial capital is what predominates, and, finally, there is an extension of the boundaries of capitalism, both geographical and technological. Social and cultural consequences and resistance movements The process of globalization has, as a consequence, a series of destructions involving humanity collectively. 1) Destruction of the economy.- If economy is the human action designated to establish the material bases of physical and cultural life of all the human beings in the entire world, then capitalism is the most ineffective system in human history. Never have there been so many impoverished people, never has there been so much social distance. This constitutes the first basis of the revolts and resistance movements. 2) Destruction of nature.- Exploitation with the idea of short-term profit spells ecological disasters, both climatological and in the exhaustion of natural resources, which in recent years has led to the development of many ecological movements. 3) Social destruction which is twofold.- a) Extension of the direct relations of capital/labor, that is, the salaried labor, which now extends into the entire world, even though not in a majoritarian manner and in all sectors of collective activity. Labor and farm movements have appeared in new geographical areas and in new sectors of economic activity. b) Extension of the indirect relation of capital/labor, which affects increasingly more social groups in the world. We speak of the indirect mechanisms of the logic of capitalist organizations of the economy, such as the setting of prices for raw materials, the foreign debt, the re-exportation of capital, tax havens, etc.; all obstacles to true development of local economies and with consequences which affect hundreds of millions of people. Thus we witness an ever- increasing number of resistance and social movements. For instance, women are particularly affected by the feminization of poverty and the increase of violence; women are affected simply because the logic of the system of capitalist exploitation utilizes gender relations as a function of its own interests (for example lower salaries, national accounting that fails to take into account the work of reconstitution of productive forces carried out by women, to speak in economic terms, etc.) Indigenous resistance is also involved; they are the first victims of the new economic policies, and through their resistance they redefine their sense of identity. Also, we have the caste movements in India, where the struggles of the Dalits (those without a caste) have multiplied since the moment of the adoption of a neoliberal orientation. We also have youth movements, as well as ethnic conflicts, highly linked with macroeconomic mechanisms, such as the drop in certain agricultural prices, etc. Evidently it is not capitalism that invented or initiated chauvinism or patriarchy, the oppression of the indigenous peoples, the contradiction of castes, ethnic conflicts, or the marginalization of the youth. However, capitalism—and this can be proven—has sharpened the conflicts and many times has used them to construct its organization of labor and its strategies of absorption of overpopulation. 4) Cultural destruction We witness a true deviation of the sense of education, of the means of communication, of philosophy and even of religions, as a function of the values of capitalism, with its own definition of modernity, and by the instrumentalization of cultural apparatuses in order to support its project and to legitimize its objectives. Also, as examples of related resistance movements, we note new movements of ideas, cultural resistance, elaboration of theologies of liberation, etc. At the same time, temporal cultural movements develop, which are expressed in various types of fundamentalism as defense mechanisms in the face of a modernity which despises cultural traditions. 5) Political destruction Democracy, already relatively limited in the perspective of parliamentary political organization, makes less and less sense, when the political powers, emanations of popular voting, see their powers of decision reduced, especially in the economic order. As a reaction, we also witness new forces of decentralization of decisions, of participatory democracy, of reconstruction of a politics with popular bases. The situation can be defined, in summary, by stating that in the face of a capitalism that constructs the bases of its worldwide reproduction, thanks to new technologies, we see an increase, but also a fragmentation, of the resistance movements of struggle, both geographical and sectorial. The current stage of the globalization of capital Two statements can be made in relation to the current stage, which are important in order to conceptualize the organization of the resistance movements and their internationalization. 1. The neoliberal project is not abandoned, even though it loses credibility. It is weakened because it has relatively short-term strategies. This is manifested in different aspects: -economically: the financial system; the system of production and the public services… -ecologically: ecological limits are increasingly visible. -socially: the increase of poverty and social distance, the migrations… -culturally: intellectual, artistic and popular criticism of the system. 2. Capitalism now adopts new strategies in various sectors: -economic strategies: it moves progressively from a neoliberalism pure and hard to a neoclassicism, centered on the reconstruction of conditions of competition by means of new regulations (re- legitimization of the State). -ecological strategies: new measures of urgency are adopted (Kyoto protocol)… -social strategies: There are coordinated policies focused on the fight against poverty, which were initiated by the World Bank; cooptation of the NGOs, of voluntary associations, of the Churches and of religions, in order to diminish their forces of resistance and to obtain a legitimacy; administrative repression and gradually also police repression, without mentioning the military aspect in international matters. -cultural strategies: adoption of an ecological language and of the concepts utilized by resistance movements, such as civil society, participatory democracy, etc., transforming the meaning of the concepts. Strategies of struggle against the globalization of capital The grand outline We can present some guidelines of the strategies initiated and to be developed in the immediate future. 1) De-legitimize the system, not just with condemnation of its abuses, which various ethical entities do, such as the social doctrines of the religions, but rather with denunciations of the logic of the capitalist system which constitutes the basis of the various destructions. 2) Construct the convergence of anti-systemic struggles, each one safeguarding its specificity, but also understanding its place in the greater movement. 3) Formulate alternatives to the three levels expressed: utopias, medium-term, and short-term. 4) Find formulas of political expression, also in the form of convergences, because the four aspects (economic, ecological, social, and cultural) all have a political dimension, and without the presence of this dimension it is not possible to arrive at effective solutions. 5) Do not allow oneself to be marginalized by the economic and political system, that is to accept being limited to a corner where one can speak out and express opinions, and not allow oneself to “floklorize,” especially by the means of communication which emphasize certain types of violence or cultural expressions that are apparently “strange.” The criteria for selecting topics and actions Three principal criteria appear to be important. 1) To keep in mind the current popular sensibility towards certain topics, and in particular the appearance of new publics, which upon being affected directly or indirectly by globalization, seem ready to enter into a convergence of resistance. 2) To articulate concerning events in conjunction, such as the international conferences on racism, Río Plus Ten, the ratification of the Kyoto Protocol, the policies such as “Star Wars,” etc. 3) To approach topics that already have been prepared by specific groups and that can contribute towards concrete alternatives. It is in relation to these considerations that panel topics, workshops, seminars, and a coherent organization of the Porto Alegre program can be proposed. A dream I may finish by stating that I have a dream. Not like the World Bank, which has inscribed at the entrance of its building in Washington: “We have a dream, a world free of poverty,” below which I would like to write: “and thanks to the World Bank it remains a dream.” But rather in the sense of Dom Helder Camara who used to tell me, when I worked with him in the Second Vatican Council, that one could not understand Brazil without understanding Carnaval and soccer. What role will Carnaval and soccer have in Porto Alegre? It is a way of wondering how to symbolically express the values we want to affirm: grand orientations for humanity today that contradict the fundamental logic of capitalism. We can conceptualize two principal orientations: the contemplation of nature, and the inter-human solidarity. Respect, love, and contemplation of nature Reexamining great texts of world religious traditions, including the indigenous religions (Pacha Mama), the great creation myths, and texts of poets from various peoples, one can affirm that nature is not an object of exploitation, but rather we are part of her and we want to express a sense of admiration and contemplation. This could be expressed with songs, dance, and recitations, with participation of everyone in a collective act. Inter-human solidarity In the same cultural and religious traditions one can find everything which celebrates brotherhood, love, peace, and the rejection of aggressiveness and violence, as well as economic individualism. It is not a matter of romantically celebrating those types of values, but rather focusing on the concrete social relations of capitalism and all its human consequences, and also expressing the need for new ethics for a new world. *François Houtart, Belgian economist, is the Director of the Tri- continental Center and Vice President of the World Forum for Alternatives. This present text summarizes the presentation of the author at the meeting of the International Council of the World Social Forum (Sao Paulo, 9-11 June 2001).