Within the sector of the Brazilian left which did not take up arms there was a certain tone of “didn’t I say so?” when the other sector started to fall apart, with the kidnapping of the American ambassador Charles Elbrick, in Rio [de Janeiro] in September 1969. History almost always makes abrupt turns in our analysis of current conditions, in our forecasts, in our gloomy predictions clothed in heavy overcoats of supposedly scientific concepts. Who is the intellectual or political leader who foresaw the fall of the Berlin Wall? ”Didn’t I say so?” exclaimed the Trotskyists when the crimes of Stalin came to light, denounced by Krushchev. And pro-Soviet elements toasted with vodka on seeing the gang-of-four, in China, unleash the “cultural revolution”, a wave of ideological fundamentalism which planted terror in the name of “authentic proletarian communism”. Its Latin American version was the Shining Path, in Peru, which assassinated compañeros that “wavered ideologically”. With the redemocratization of Brazil, the intellectual left, which was more familiar with exile than prison, divided itself between the PT [Partido de los Trabajadores/ Workers' party] and the PSDB [the Brazilian Social Democratic Party]. “Didn’t I say so?” said the former emphatically when the government of Fernando Henrique Cardoso (FHC) revealed its neo-liberal character, privatized public assets and instituted the Stimulation Program for Restructuring and Strengthening the National Financial System (PROER), channelling funds which make the flow of the “valerioduto” (1) appear like a cheap joke. Now, faced with the fallen star, naysayers repeat euphorically, “Didn’t I say so”. And the Right, comfortably seated in the luxurious dressing room of this tragic theatre, applauds the cruel scene of cannibalism among the Left. But which Left? The one which dances to the rhythm of the financial serenade? The one which gives 30 billion reales to agribusiness and only 8 billion to family farms? Or the one which spouts sectarian criticism, raising their clean hands in front of the “tsulama” (2), but which is not able to present a viable, non-utopian proposal of alternative economic policy? Or the one which fills mouths and papers with grandiloquent words, but could not mobilize a half-dozen popular movements. The Brazilian Left talks about an imaginary Brazil, but has trouble contending with the unavoidable compromises to achieve it. As though in some place in the world, they could have come to power without a strategy of alliances. And as though in some country they had achieved development without serious concessions to capitalism. It is enough to look at China, which today insists on being recognized as a “market economy”, and Cuba, which has compromised state property by associating with powerful transnationals in areas such as infrastructure, energy and tourism. There is nothing more ridiculous than the Left which elevates its ideological convictions into religious dogma. And which treats its leaders as true messiahs, carrying us on the road to salvation. Fundamentalist, excommunicating critics, expelling heretics, condemning adversaries to hell. Incapable of alliances within its own left-wing territory (just look at the elections for the new leadership of the PT), it counts on the defeat of its adversaries, waiting for the day to come when, from the height of their arrogance, they will solemnly emphasize, “Didn’t I say so?” Roads to Liberation I do not see a future for the Left except along the following three lines: ethical rigour, grass roots organization and the elaboration of a socialist project. Ethical rigour is a sustainable virtue so long as you do not come to power. Any sphere of power: government, party leadership, coordination of a base organization, manager, trustee of a building, etc.; like all power, it gives an aura of authority to whoever uses it, as an identity that makes him feel above common mortals, almost no one cares to give it up. Power is more tempting than sex or money, because it makes both of these more accessible. As the beneficiaries of the Rural Bank "commissions" could tell. How can we assure ethical vigour? With internal democracy. Any leader or officer who cannot accept criticism sends a bad sign. But it is not enough to say “you can criticize me”. It is necessary to create mechanisms through which it is done regularly. Grass roots organizing is the great challenge for the Left. They love to hold meetings, to write manifestos, and organize rallies. But to go to the marginal districts, to climb up to the favela [shanty-town], to take oneself out to the wilderness (3), these hold last place! It is not easy to like the smell of the people, to meet with the poor, to learn their language (which obliges us to come down from the illustrious trampoline of our academic concepts) to pray with them, to build effective bonds of affection with those who have the grace to live without the Manichean logic which divides humanity into “goodies and baddies”. Elaborating a socialist project does not consist just of criticizing capitalism. It implies profound self-criticism of the errors committed in recent socialist experiences. Theoretical errors, structural errors, social and political errors. Beginning to analyze at what moment the PT erased from its horizon the socialist project set out in its first documents. For anyone who is interested: good schools of ethics, grass roots organizing and socialist perspective, are found in the MST [the Landless Workers' Movement] and Christian Base Communities. (Translation: Donald Lee and ALAI) - Frei Betto is a writer. He is author, in association with Leandro Konder, of “The Individual in Socialism” (Perseu Abramo), amongst other books. Translation Notes: (1) Valerioduto: refers to the corruption scheme organized by the businessman Marcos Valerio to distribute resources to Parliamentarians, a scandal which has shaken the Lula government. (2) ”Tsulama”: a Portuguese word which, paraphrasing the tsuanami, means a very big wave of filth. (3) Sertao: a wilderness region, far from populated area and cultivated land.