A few weeks ago, former Argentine president Carlos Menem seemed to imitate the phoenix coming back to life from its own ashes. With his bright colored suits and ties and a sure smile, the former president toured in a few days the top TV news programs. The main newspapers began to publish photos and stories displayed in several columns on Menem’s new race for the presidency and his declarations drew the attention of the public. There were also photos with his Chilean wife, TV anchorwoman Cecilia Bolocco, and also with former US president George Bush, Sr., with whom Menem has a surprising friendship, besides their common passion for golf, which they usually play when they meet. Although there were pleasing questions from some journalists that consider themselves “opinion makers”, Menem had to face the reality of a public that questions him severely for believing he is most responsible for the country’s present situation. With an employment rate of 21,5% and the loss of tens of thousands of jobs every month, there are few Argentines willing to keep silent about the former president’s public appearances. In Washington Menem had to put up with jeering by a group of fellow countrymen when he was giving a conference; in Buenos Aires passersby gathered in front of the TV channels banging pots in protest against the presence of Menem, who still is president of the Justicialista Party. Some “friendly” media published somewhat hastily that 43% intended to vote for Menem. But true figures soon disproved the assertion. In the latest polls Menem hardly gets 10%, and he still has to win the nomination of his own party, which promises to be a bitter battle that the runners themselves have called “dirty”. Like in classic American comic books Menem has his own archenemies, among them President Duhalde himself, who is set on stopping Menem from serving a third term. In that direction Duhalde is backing José Manuel de la Sota, the Justicialista governor of the province of Córdoba, and the national government has signed controversial decrees regulating the primaries. Some politicians consider that there are dispositions in the decree that could affect the election, such as allowing members of one party to vote in the primaries of another party. This could seriously distort the outcome and is a matter of serious discussion and controversy. Bu Menem’s precious conduct also runs against him. The many accusations of corruption against his administration have gathered strength with the revelation about a secret bank account in Switzerland that the former president says he opened to put away some money for his family’s future needs. A New York Times story a few days ago cast more shadows on Menem. According to the newspaper he received a large sum of money for destroying the clues about the 1994 bombing in Buenos Aires of the main building of the Jewish community in Argentina, where 89 people died. Although the former president is surrounded by good political operators, this time it won’t be easy for him to convince angry, anguished and unemployed voters that witness the degrading of their way of life and who are not willing to tolerate double talk and electoral manipulation, nor the luxury and easy life that is characteristic of Menem and his people. Lack of definitions Rosendo Fraga, one of the most sought after political analysts by the media in Argentina said in a radio interview that the election seemed to be very segmented and that the country could probable follow the trend of other Latin American countries, where three or four political forces share equally the voters’ backing. According to the latest polls, Luis Zamora, the leftist Congressman from Autonomy and Liberation Movement had the best image. Zamora received his highest ratings in polls through web sites that cater to a young public. His opposition to neoliberalism, against the Latin American policies of banks, multinational corporations and the United States have brought him almost 45% of voters’ preference. But Zamora is not a runner for the presidency up to the moment. In polls published by the main newspapers, the main positions are for Congresswoman Elisa Carrió, of ARI, known for her struggle against corruption, and for former president Adolfo Rodríguez Saa, of the Justicialista Party, a populist in the best Perón style. This man, who lasted barely a week in power in late 2001, is willing to battle for the presidency, although there is no indication yet if he will seek his party’s nomination in the primaries or if he will run as an independent. For the moment, the polls show that he would have a better chance to be elected if he runs as the Justicialista candidate instead that as an independent runner. The possible candidates of Radical Civic Union (UCR) hardly appear in the polls, with a meager 2%, while José Manuel de la Sota, who has the backing of President Duhalde’s political machine, barely reaches 5%. Observers wonder what would happen if de la Sota can’t go beyond that percentage in the coming months. Duhalde’s backing can have a meaning with the party, but not for the whole of society. In a poll by Research International-Analogías, published last Sunday by the morning daily La Nación, 76.6% has a negative opinion about Duhalde’s administration, while 88.4% rejects his economic policy. For the new presidential candidate it won’t be an easy task proving that his ability for government is better than his mentor’s and that he is able to break away from the immobilism that characterizes the Justicialista government.