The scope of Plan Mexico
- Opinión
In March of 2007, the so-called Plan Mexico - officially known as the Mérida Initiative – was approved as a program of American military assistance for "fighting drug trafficking and organized crime" in Mexico, Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras. The Plan has been strongly challenged in
The North American Security and Prosperity Partnership (SPP) makes way for new forms of strategic plans or mega-projects that lump economic criteria in with those of security, thus justifying actions that otherwise would not be permitted for violations of national sovereignty. Although this sovereignty has already been seriously challenged, because of the creation of an international regulatory framework that trumps the internal legislation of participant countries in the Free Trade Agreement, the security plans tend to create complicity and internationalization throughout all activities involved with prevention, combat, and control of drug trafficking and terrorism, dangerously perpetuating the ambiguity with which these have been identified as threats to the national security of the United States.
These plans are based upon a military perspective that begins with a concept of territories followed by strategies designed for complete control. Borders are redefined to comply with security objectives and corresponding rules are no longer based upon criteria for the well-being of the population, nor for the protection of national patrimony as in times past, but rather for control and discipline. This is the new Leviathan that is rising over and above the remains of democracy - at times just barely achieved -, and over the self-determination of peoples.
Integration plans, such as the SPP, which extends the homeland of the United States toward the north until it touches the glaciers, passing through oil and strategic metals deposits, and through Canadian forests, and south until it reaches the border with Central America, encompassing the area of oil and mineral deposits, the only tropical rainforest in northern America, and crossing the territory that contributes the most migrant or maquila workers for the economic development of the great colossus, are complemented by plans to combat drug trafficking, but which have many other derivations as well as strong implications for sovereignty and jurisdiction.
This expansion once again, as with the free trade agreements, is being initiated within
One cannot help but note the disproportionate media coverage of these events, since it’s so out of step with previous periods. Indeed, from a certain perspective, it seems to be a set-up to justify police training, greater financing for security operations, the intervention of the army in internal security, the creation of new special military police corps and toward the creation of conditions for the announcement of Plan
Plan
Almost simultaneously, Felipe Calderón relaunched Plan
Along these lines, the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) is building toward energy integration that will solve the energy crisis in the United States and lead toward policy and security integration based upon criteria set by the US Joint Forces Command which includes, among other things, the mission to guarantee unrestricted access to resources considered indispensable for national security (of the United States, of course). In other words, Mexico’s riches - and those of the region from Puebla to Panama and now extended all the way to Putumayo – become legitimately linked to strategic interests of the US, in addition to the measures adopted following September 11th, 2001 under the Patriot Act, with regard to combating subversion, terrorism and dissidence. The infringement of citizen rights to which the people of the
However, from a geopolitical perspective, putting US security forces as guardians of the Mexican borders not only affects Mexicans but the entire
With the SPP and the occupation of Haiti; with the military bases and patrols and ongoing exercises in the region, the protection of the oil reserves in the Gulf of Mexico and Venezuela is assured; the most important movements of migrants and drugs are controlled; vigilance is ensured over processes taking place in Cuba, Venezuela and throughout the block participating in ALBA in general; and a precedent is being set for new regional integration treaties that are being imposed on the continent, among which undoubtedly one of the most outstanding is the Initiative for Integration of Regional Infrastructure in South America (IIRSA).
Economic plans that include the possibility that a company can sue a state for damages and prejudice when its activity is turned down or called off – even in instances when a company’s activities are damaging to society or the environment such as those that produce toxic waste - for the amount of potential lost profits over 20 years of operation, combined with plans involving militarization or security that will guarantee, as Colin Powell has said, that trade and the economy can function under adequate conditions and without slip-ups.
These two types of plans also come hand-in-hand with mega-projects, whose direct goal is to fundamentally alter the territory upon which they’re working, rearranging its uses and redesigning its borders. The central nerve-system across Latin America, through which we’ll see energy flow and riches leave, are the roadways mapped out in Plan Puebla Panama and IIRSA, protected by security agreements, antiterrorist laws that prevent protests by affected communities, operations of the DEA and its Latin Americans counterparts, military exercises, immunity accords, and military bases.
Thus, in the same way that NAFTA was the spearhead for the free trade agreements, the SPP is just the beginning of a policy for continental security that has made a significant advance in the formation of a continental police force called Ameripol, last November
Within this context, the Mérida Initiative is a dangerous sign of the overflow of Plan
Ana Esther Ceceña is a Mexican economist and researcher for the Institute for Economic Studies in the National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM) as well as Coordinator of the Hegemony and Emancipation working group of CLACSO.
This article was first published in Spanish in ALAI's magazine América
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